Today, many perceive him as a poet who wrote poems about nature, beautiful and light.

But the contemporaries of Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev knew him mainly as talented diplomat, publicist and witty man, whose witty aphorisms were passed from mouth to mouth.

For example: " Any attempts at political speeches in Russia are tantamount to efforts to carve fire from a bar of soap".

In February 1822, eighteen-year-old Fyodor Tyutchev was enrolled in the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs with the rank of provincial secretary. Taking a closer look at him, Alexander Ivanovich Osterman-Tolstoy recommended him for the position of a supernumerary official of the Russian embassy in Bavaria and, since he himself was going abroad, decided to take Fyodor to Munich in his carriage.

Fyodor Tyutchev arrived in Germany at the end of June 1822 and lived here for a total of about two decades. In Bavaria, he met many figures of German culture of that time, primarily Friedrich Schiller and Heinrich Heine.

In 1838, as part of the Russian diplomatic mission, Fedor Ivanovich leaves for Turin.

Later, in a letter to Vyazemsky, Tyutchev notes: “A very great inconvenience of our position lies in the fact that we are forced to call Europe something that should never have any other name than its own: Civilization. This is the source of endless delusions and inevitable This is what distorts our concepts... However, I am more and more convinced that everything that could do and could give us a peaceful imitation of Europe - we have already received all this. it's very little".

By 1829, Tyutchev had matured as a diplomat and tried to carry out his own diplomatic project. In that year, Greece received autonomy, which led to an intensification of the struggle between Russia and England for influence over it. Tyutchev later wrote:

Since in the newly emerging Greek state there were constant clashes various forces, it was decided to invite the king from a "neutral" country. Otton, the very young son of the Bavarian king, was chosen for this role.

One of the ideologists of this way of restoring Greek statehood was the rector of the University of Munich, Friedrich Thiersch. Tyutchev and Thiersch jointly developed a plan according to which the new kingdom was to be under the auspices of Russia, which did much more than anyone else to liberate Greece.

However, the policy pursued by Foreign Minister Nesselrode led to the fact that Otto became, in fact, an English puppet. In May 1850 Tyutchev wrote:

And ten years later, Fyodor Ivanovich bitterly remarks: “Look with what reckless haste we are busying ourselves with the reconciliation of the powers that can come to an agreement only in order to to turn against us. Why such an oversight? Because so far we have not learned to distinguish our "I" from our "not me".

For a long time, Tyutchev's diplomatic career was not entirely successful. On June 30, 1841, under the pretext of a long "non-arrival from vacation", he was dismissed from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and deprived of the rank of chamberlain. The pretext was purely formal, but the real reason was Tyutchev's divergence in views on European politics with the leadership of the ministry, says Victoria Khevrolina, Doctor of Historical Sciences.

Fedor Ivanovich will write about this later: “Great crises, great punishments usually do not occur when lawlessness is brought to the limit, when it reigns and governs fully armed with strength and shamelessness. No, the explosion breaks out for the most part at the first timid attempt to return to good, at the first sincere, perhaps, but uncertain and timid encroachment towards the necessary correction.

After his dismissal from the post of senior secretary of the Russian mission in Turin, Tyutchev continued to remain in Munich for several more years.

At the end of September 1844, having lived abroad for about 22 years, Tyutchev with his wife and two children from his second marriage moved from Munich to St. Petersburg, and six months later he was again enrolled in the department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; at the same time, the title of chamberlain was returned to the poet, recalls Victoria Khevrolina.

He managed to become the closest associate and chief adviser to Russian Foreign Minister Gorchakov. From the very beginning of Gorchakov's entry into this position in 1856, he invited Tyutchev to his place. Many historians believe that the main diplomatic decisions that Gorchakov made were prompted to one degree or another by Tyutchev.

Including the famous diplomatic victory after the defeat of Russia in Crimean War in 1856. Then, according to the Paris Peace Treaty, Russia was severely curtailed in the rights in the Crimea, and Gorchakov managed to restore the status quo, and with this he went down in history, says Doctor of Historical Sciences Victoria Khevrolina.

Tyutchev, who had lived in Western Europe for many years, of course, could not help thinking about the fate of Russia and its relations with the West. Wrote several articles about this, worked on the treatise "Russia and the West". He highly appreciated the successes of Western civilization, but did not think that Russia could follow this path. Putting forward the idea of moral sense of history, morality of power, criticized Western individualism. The Soviet poet Yakov Helemsky writes about Tyutchev:

A colleague in the diplomatic service, Prince Ivan Gagarin, wrote: “Wealth, honors, and the very glory had little attraction for him. The biggest, deepest pleasure for him was to be present at the spectacle that is unfolding in the world, with unflagging curiosity to follow all its changes.”

Tyutchev himself, in a letter to Vyazemsky, noted: “There are, I know, between us people who say that there is nothing in us that would be worth knowing, but in this case the only thing that should be done is to cease to exist, and meanwhile I don't think anyone is of that opinion...

***

From V.V. Pokhlebkin Foreign policy of Russia, Russia and the USSR for 1000 years in names, dates, facts. Issue 1”.

For some reason, undeservedly little time is given to the work of Fyodor Tyutchev in school curriculum on literature. But for those who go beyond its scope and get to know his poetry closer, it becomes unequivocally clear that he was a huge talent. And no matter how critics write that some of his works are cosmic, while others are too odious, one thing is indisputable: Tyutchev is one of the brilliant Russian poets.

Youth

Fedor Ivanovich Tyutchev was born into a noble family in the Ovstug estate near Bryansk on November 23, 1803. Although the boy was educated at home, it was clear from childhood that he was a child prodigy. Fedor easily mastered several foreign languages, Latin and became interested in ancient Roman lyrics, a passion for which was instilled in him by his teacher, poet and translator. At the age of twelve, he made poetic translations of Horace's odes, and at fourteen, the young man began to listen to lectures at Moscow University, and soon he was enrolled in the ranks of students without exams.

In 1819 he became a member of the Society of Russian Literature. His poetry of this period is consonant with nature itself, which he identifies with man. The masterpieces of the poet include not only poems about nature, but also his love lyrics that is permeated with the deepest humanity, nobility and complex sensual unrest. It seems that sometimes his poems sound like magical music ... Upon graduation from the university, Tyutchev was accepted into the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs and in 1821 was sent to Munich as an attaché of the Russian diplomatic mission.

Poet and diplomat

The career of Fedor Ivanovich developed quite successfully. Being abroad, he did not change his literary predilections. A rebel at heart, Tyutchev subtly and aptly describes the events taking place in his Fatherland. His words sound very bold that everything in Russia comes down to the office and the barracks, to the whip and the rank. The daring poet and diplomat calls the tsar's love affairs "cornflower blue eccentricities." And the king unexpectedly liked it.

And when the chancellor starts an affair with one of the ladies-in-waiting and gives the unfortunate husband the rank of court chamber junker, Tyutchev remarks sarcastically: "Gorchakov resembles the ancient priests who gilded the horns of their victims." For some, such statements would have been fatal, but everything was forgiven Fyodor Ivanovich. The king favored him.

Share turns

In 1826, in Munich, Tyutchev met his fate - Eleanor Bothmer, whom he married and was extremely happy with this woman. She was beautiful and clever and bore Fedor Ivanovich three daughters. Once, when the family went from St. Petersburg to Turin, their ship was wrecked. The Tyutchevs miraculously escaped, but the health of the diplomat's wife was undermined by such severe stress, and she died out right before our eyes.

Contemporaries wrote that this grief overnight made Tyutchev gray-haired. However, mourning for his beloved wife did not last long. A year later, Fedor Ivanovich is married to the beautiful Ernestina Dernberg. According to rumors, the poet had a relationship with this lady during his first marriage.

At this time, he receives the rank of chamberlain, temporarily stops the diplomatic service and remains to live abroad until 1844. This period of the poet's work was the most fruitful. He created dozens of wonderful creations, among which "I met you, and all the past ...", which later became a famous romance. Also at this stage, Tyutchev writes odes and makes translations of Heine's works. In addition, he single-handedly speaks in the press on issues of state relations between Europe and Russia.

"You can't understand Russia with your mind..."

Returning to Russia in 1844, Tyutchev again began to work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the person of the chief censor. It was he who then introduced a taboo on the distribution in the country of the manifesto of the Communist Party in the native language. His verdict was as follows: "Whoever needs it will understand German." Fyodor Ivanovich actively participates in journalism, imbued with the ideas of Belinsky. Politics finally killed the romance in him. The flight of poetic thought was interrupted.

This was followed by leaps and bounds up the career ladder - the position of State Councilor, soon - the Privy Councilor and the position of head of the Foreign Censorship Committee. Despite frequent disagreements with the authorities, Tyutchev managed to hold this post for 15 years. Then he sometimes rhymed slogans, but his charming lyrics remained in the past. Until his last day, Tyutchev was not indifferent to the fate of Russia. After all, it was not in vain that in 1866 he wrote the lines

Russia cannot be understood with the mind,
Do not measure with a common yardstick:
She has a special become -
One can only believe in Russia.

Grandfather of the great poet Nikolai Tyutchev went down in history thanks to his love story with Daria Saltykova, notorious as Saltychikha. Even after centuries, this novel is of great interest - after all, it developed from passionate love to burning hatred.

Tyutchev in Paris (unfortunately I do not know the year)

Here is another video. A very good selection of portraits, especially of Tyutchev's relatives and his descendants. True, sometimes misunderstandings with dates slip through

Today, many perceive him as a poet who wrote poems about nature, beautiful and light.

"I love the storm in early May,
when the first spring thunder,
As if frolicking and playing,
Rumbles in the blue sky."

But the contemporaries of Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev knew him mainly as a talented diplomat, publicist and witty man, whose witty aphorisms were passed from mouth to mouth. For example: "Any attempt at political action in Russia is tantamount to trying to strike fire out of a bar of soap."

In February 1822, eighteen-year-old Fyodor Tyutchev was enrolled in the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs with the rank of provincial secretary. Taking a closer look at him, Alexander Ivanovich Osterman-Tolstoy recommended him for the position of a supernumerary official of the Russian embassy in Bavaria and, since he himself was going abroad, decided to take Fyodor to Munich in his carriage. Fyodor Tyutchev arrived in Germany at the end of June 1822 and lived here for a total of about two decades. In Bavaria, he met many figures of German culture of that time, primarily Friedrich Schiller and Heinrich Heine.

In 1838, as part of the Russian diplomatic mission, Fedor Ivanovich leaves for Turin, recalls Konstantin Dolgov, Doctor of Philosophy.

Later in a letter to Vyazemsky, Tyutchev notes: "A very great inconvenience of our position lies in the fact that we are forced to call Europe that which should never have any other name than its own: Civilization. This is the source of endless delusions and inevitable misunderstandings for us. This is what distorts our concepts ... However, I am more and more convinced that everything that could do and could give us a peaceful imitation of Europe - we have already received all this. True, this is very little.

By 1829, Tyutchev had matured as a diplomat and tried to carry out his own diplomatic project. In that year, Greece received autonomy, which led to an intensification of the struggle between Russia and England for influence over it. Tyutchev later wrote:

For a long time on European soil,
Where lies so luxuriantly grew
Long ago the science of the Pharisees
A double truth has been created.

Since in the newly emerging Greek state there were constant clashes of various forces, it was decided to invite the king from a "neutral" country. Otton, the very young son of the Bavarian king, was chosen for this role. One of the ideologists of this way of restoring Greek statehood was the rector of the University of Munich, Friedrich Thiersch. Tyutchev and Thiersch jointly developed a plan according to which the new kingdom was to be under the auspices of Russia, which did much more than anyone else to liberate Greece. However, the policy pursued by Foreign Minister Nesselrode led to the fact that Otto became, in fact, an English puppet. In May 1850 Tyutchev wrote:

No, my dwarf! coward unparalleled!
You, no matter how tight, no matter how cowardly,
With your unbelieving soul
Don't tempt Holy Russia...

And ten years later Fedor Ivanovich bitterly will notice: “Look with what reckless haste we are busying ourselves with reconciling the powers that can come to an agreement only in order to turn against us. And why such an oversight? I".

No matter how you bend before her, gentlemen,
You will not win recognition from Europe:
In her eyes you will always be
Not servants of enlightenment, but serfs.

For a long time, Tyutchev's diplomatic career was not entirely successful. On June 30, 1841, under the pretext of a long "non-arrival from vacation", he was dismissed from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and deprived of the rank of chamberlain. The pretext was purely formal, but the real reason was Tyutchev's divergence in views on European politics with the leadership of the ministry, says Victoria Khevrolina, Doctor of Historical Sciences.

Fedor Ivanovich will write more on this later: “Great crises, great punishments do not usually come when lawlessness is brought to its limit, when it reigns and rules fully armed with power and shamelessness. No, the explosion breaks out for the most part at the first timid attempt to return to goodness, at the first sincere but a hesitant and timid encroachment towards the necessary correction.

After his dismissal from the post of senior secretary of the Russian mission in Turin, Tyutchev continued to remain in Munich for several more years.
At the end of September 1844, having lived abroad for about 22 years, Tyutchev with his wife and two children from his second marriage moved from Munich to St. Petersburg, and six months later he was again enrolled in the department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; at the same time, the title of chamberlain was returned to the poet, recalls Victoria Khevrolina.

He managed to become the closest associate and chief adviser to Russian Foreign Minister Gorchakov. From the very beginning of Gorchakov's entry into this position in 1856, he invited Tyutchev to his place. Many historians believe that the main diplomatic decisions that Gorchakov made were prompted to one degree or another by Tyutchev. Including the famous diplomatic victory after the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War in 1856. Then, according to the Paris Peace Treaty, Russia was severely curtailed in the rights in the Crimea, and Gorchakov managed to restore the status quo, and with this he went down in history, says Doctor of Historical Sciences Victoria Khevrolina.

Tyutchev, who had lived in Western Europe for many years, of course, could not help thinking about the fate of Russia and its relations with the West. Wrote several articles about this, worked on the treatise "Russia and the West". He highly appreciated the successes of Western civilization, but did not believe that Russia could follow this path. Putting forward the idea of ​​the moral meaning of history, the morality of power, he criticized Western individualism. Soviet poet Yakov Helemsky will write about Tyutchev:

And in life there were Munich and Paris,
Venerable Schelling, unforgettable Heine.
But everything attracted to Umyslichi and Vshchizh,
Desna always imagined on the Rhine.

Foreign Service Colleague Prince Ivan Gagarin wrote: "Wealth, honors and the very glory had little attraction for him. The biggest, deepest pleasure for him was to be present at the spectacle that unfolds in the world, with unflagging curiosity to follow all its changes."

Himself Tyutchev in a letter to Vyazemsky noted: “There are, I know, between us people who say that there is nothing in us worth knowing, but in this case the only thing that should be done is to cease to exist, and yet, I think, no one adheres to such opinions..."

Tyutchev: poet, diplomat, philosopher

The next volume of the Russian Way series is dedicated to the outstanding Russian poet, philosopher, diplomat, and patriot of Russia F.I. Tyutchev. The main value of this publication is that here, for the first time, an attempt was made to systematize all critical literature about the poet

The next volume published in the series "Russian Way", dedicated to the outstanding Russian poet, political philosopher, diplomat, citizen and patriot of Russia F.I. Tyutchev (1803-1873), in many ways completes the panorama of numerous publications dedicated to the 200th anniversary of his birth, among which one can single out the complete academic collection of works in 6 volumes, as well as Poems (Progress-Pleyada, 2004) , published on the eve of the 200th anniversary of F.I. Tyutchev. This edition allows us to better understand the significance of this Russian poet for both domestic and world culture.

The main value of this publication lies in the fact that for the first time an attempt was made here to systematize all critical literature about the poet, to present Tyutchev's ideas in the most complete way: as a romantic poet, philosopher, publicist, diplomat, public figure. Most of the works presented in the publication are devoted to this topic. Some texts, such as the article by I.S. Aksakov “F.I. Tyutchev and his article "The Roman Question and the Papacy" and some others, previously inaccessible to researchers, are presented for the first time. In the works of I.S. Aksakov “F.I. Tyutchev and his article "The Roman Question and the Papacy", L.I. Lvova, G.V. Florovsky, D.I. Chizhevsky, L.P. Grossman, V.V. Weidle, B.K. Zaitseva, B.A. Filippova, M. Roslavleva, B.N. Tarasov reveals the image of Tyutchev, not only as a poet, but also as an original philosopher, diplomat, publicist and public figure.

The collection contains the most complete bibliography, which allows the researcher F.I. Tyutchev to fully explore his legacy and more fully present it in cultural and social life Russia XIX century.

In the introductory article, much attention is paid to the topic "Tyutchev, romanticism, politics, the aesthetics of history." The author of the introductory article K.G. Isupov rightly notes: “Romanticism creates a tragic philosophy and aesthetics of history in terms of its main parameters. It is based on three postulates: 1) history is part of nature (...); 2) history - a completely empirical, but providential spectacle, the Divine mystery (“history is the mystery of the Divine kingdom that has become apparent”); 3) history is art (“historical is ... some kind of symbolic” (thoughts of the German romantic philosopher F.W. Schelling, F.I. Tyutchev was a follower, especially in his youth).

The personality in Tyutchev's world is called upon to fully embody the idea of ​​the metaphysical unity of space and history. History, for the Russian poet, is the self-knowledge of nature, bringing eventfulness and teleology into the life of the cosmos. In the world of history and in space Tyutchev found common features: both are prone to catastrophes, both are spectacular, here and there evil reigns in all the splendor of necrotic aggression.

Tyutchev's mythology of "history as a theater of symbols" is deeper than Schelling's. In history itself, the Russian poet rightly believes, there has not yet been a situation when the idea of ​​a world performance would have found an adequate performer. Applicants for this role - the emperors of Rome, Charlemagne, Napoleon, Nicholas I - cannot withstand Tyutchev's criticism. The reason for this is the discrepancy between the directing and the execution of the ontological order: lies reign in the world. "Lies, evil lies have corrupted all minds, \ And the whole world has become an incarnation of lies." In Fyodor Ivanovich, the antitheses of truth and falsehood, wisdom and cunning are connected with Russia on the left side, and with the West on the right side. From his point of view, the Western world chooses adventurism as a type of behavior and develops false (“cunning”) forms of statehood: “You don’t know what is more flattering for human cunning: \ Or the Babylonian pillar of German unity, \ Or French outrage \ The Republican cunning system.

On the whole, Tyutchev's political ideas are in many ways unique to Russian thought in the 19th century. It is far from the soil catastrophism of P.Ya. Chaadaev, and from the open Russophilia of the brothers Aksakov and Kireevsky and M.P. Pogodin. In Tyutchev's philosophy of history, as the author of the introductory article rightly believes, two ideas that are difficult to combine with each other are combined: 1) the past of the West is burdened with historical mistakes, and the past of Russia is burdened with historical guilt; 2) the upheavals that Tyutchev's modernity is experiencing create a situation of historical catharsis in which Russia and the West, at new heights of self-knowledge, are able to enter into a consistent unity.

Here it is necessary to clarify that many of Tyutchev's works are saturated with contrasting contexts of such concepts as Russia, Europe, West, East, North, South, etc. The geopolitical content of these words, as well as the semantics of the names of world cities, have at least two sides for Tyutchev: Western Europe, but as "Europe" in relation to Constantinople; Rome in the literal and figurative sense will be the "East" for Paris (just like N.V. Gogol in the essay "Rome" (1842)), but the "West" for Moscow; the semantic orbit of "Moscow" will also include the names of the Slavic capitals; Russia and Poland turned out to be closer to "Kyiv and Constantinople" than to Moscow and St. Petersburg.

From this point of view, Tyutchev, not without irony, treated the fierce dispute between the supporters of St. Petersburg and Muscovites and did not contrast the two Russian capitals as sharply as did the Slavophiles, N.M. languages.

On the one hand, he was a tireless propagandist of Slavic unity, the author of popular “at the court of two emperors” monarchist projects for solving the Eastern question, on the other hand, a man of Western culture who had two wives of German aristocratic families. On the one hand, he defended his father-in-law and Slavophile I.S. from censorship persecution. Aksakov, and on the other: "Where is your doubtful to me, Holy Russia, worldly progress." On the one hand, he is a deeply Orthodox publicist, and on the other hand, he writes the following lines: “I love worship as Lutherans.” On the one hand - a Western European in spirit and time, on the other - an accuser of the papacy.

In addition, equally loving Moscow, Munich, St. Petersburg, Venice, he also loved Kyiv, considering this city the “spring of history”, where he believes that the “arena” of the predetermined Russia of the “great future” is located (which is fully confirmed by the US policy to create hostile outpost (Ukraine) directed against Russia). In essence, a rather strange aberration is taking place: Tyutchev is trying to see Russia in the West and vice versa.

Thus, the plan of history, for all its providential opacity, is based in Fyodor Ivanovich on the Good. But, being transubstantiated in the actions of people, it fatally turns into evil for them. In one place he writes the following: "In the history human societies there is a fatal law ... Great crises, great punishments usually do not come when lawlessness is brought to the limit, when it reigns, rules in full armor of evil and shamelessness. No, the explosion breaks out for the most part at the first attempt to return to goodness, at the first sincere ... encroachment towards the necessary correction. Then Louis the sixteenth is paying for Louis the fifteenth and Louis the fourteenth” (if we turn to Russian history, then Nicholas II answered for the “Europeanization” of Peter I).

All world history in Tyutchev it is realized in the romantic categories of Fate, revenge, damnation, sin, guilt, redemption and salvation, i.e. characteristic of the Christian worldview. Particularly interesting in this regard is Tyutchev's attitude to the papacy and specifically to the Pope. Tyutchev brought down all the energy of the publicist on the dogma of the infallibility of the Pope, proclaimed by the Vatican Council on July 18, 1870. In Tyutchev's poetry and prose, the Roman theme is painted in the tone of reproof. From Rome, sleeping in historical self-forgetfulness, the capital of Italy turns into a source of pan-European sinfulness, into a “foolish Rome”, triumphing over its wrongful independence in “sinful infallibility”. From Tyutchev, who loves unexpected comparisons, the “New God-Man” acquires a barbaric Asian nickname: “Vatican Dalai Lama”. Thus, in the light of Italian history as " eternal struggle Italian against the barbarian" Pope Pius IX turns out to be "east" of the "East" itself.

Tyutchev is constantly waiting for a "political performance." So, bored in Turin in 1837, he will say that his existence "is devoid of any entertainment and seems to me a bad performance." “Providence,” he says elsewhere, “acting like a great artist, tells us here one of the most amazing theatrical effects.”

Strictly speaking, the attitude to the world as a game is not a new thing and is characteristic not only of Tyutchev (it has a long philosophical tradition starting with Heraclitus and Plato). Tyutchev, on the basis of the philosophy of German romantics, transforms it into an image of total hypocrisy. Here, for him, the very philosophy of history becomes the philosophy of a sacrificial choice between a lesser evil and a greater evil. In this context, Tyutchev comprehended the fate of Russia and the prospect of the Slavs.

According to Tyutchev, Europe is making its way from Christ to Antichrist. His results: Pope, Bismarck, the Paris Commune. But when Tyutchev calls the Pope "innocent", Bismarck - the embodiment of the spirit of the nation, and in February 1854 writes the following: "Red will save us", he seems to cross out all the catastrophic contexts of his philosophy of history and turns it into the author's "dialectics of history". Such poems as "December 14, 1825" are built on the dialectical opposition of the historical process. (1826) and "Two Voices" (1850). They seem to assert the right to historical initiative in spite of the fatal irreversibility of the course of history.

Tyutchev believes that Russian history and forms of national statehood are in tragic contradiction with the forms of national-historical self-knowledge. “The first condition for any progress,” he said to P.A. Vyazemsky - there is self-knowledge. Hence the consequences of the gap between the post-Petrine past and the present. This is how, for example, the Sevastopol catastrophe is explained: the emperor's mistake "was only a fatal consequence of a completely false direction given long before him to the fate of Russia." False ideology is generated by false power and mystifies life as such. In a letter to A.D. Bludova, he wrote the following: “... The power in Russia is such as it was formed by its own past with its complete break with the country and its historical past - (...) this power does not recognize and does not allow any other right than its own (...) Power in Russia in fact godless (…)”.

Further, in thinking about Russia as a “civilization” (its carrier is the pro-European “public”, i.e. not a genuine people, but a fake for it), it is not “culture” that is opposed, but real (i.e. folk history): “The kind of civilization that was instilled in this unfortunate country, fatally led to two consequences: the perversion of instincts and the dulling or destruction of reason. This applies only to the scum of Russian society, which imagines itself a civilization, to the public, for the life of the people, the life of history, has not yet woken up among the masses of the population. What an educated society considers culture in Russia is in fact its entropic werewolf - civilization, moreover, secondary-imitative (as in K. Leontiev). They were directly told about this in a letter to P.A. Vyazemsky: “... We are forced to call Europe something that should never have a name other than its own: Civilization is what distorts our concepts. I am becoming more and more convinced that everything that could do and could give a worldwide imitation of Europe is all we have already received. True, this is very little. It didn't break the ice, it just covered it with a layer of moss, which mimics vegetation pretty well."

You better not say. We are still in the position that Tyutchev so brilliantly described (even worse, because every year we degenerate and collapse).

This edition is an important moment in the process of collecting all the material about Tyutchev. Unfortunately, only the first collection was released. I would like the compilers to wish to publish another volume with additional materials about Tyutchev and his role in Russian culture. We hope that this publication will give the necessary impetus to further work on recreating a more complete scientific apparatus about such a wonderful person and citizen of Russia as F.I. Tyutchev.