Bolsheviks are those who, together with the Mensheviks, were once members of the Social Democratic Party. But in one thousand nine hundred and three, at the Second Congress, which took place in Brussels, Lenin and Martov disagreed on the rules of membership. Which led to the separation of the Bolsheviks, who demanded more active action.

Views of two main leaders

Vladimir Ilyich advocated small parties of professional revolutionaries. Yuliy Osipovich did not agree, believing that it was better to have a large group of activists. He based his ideas on experiences that existed in other European countries.

Vladimir Lenin argued that in the Russian state the situation was completely different. There it was impossible to form political parties under the autocratic rule of the emperor. At the end of the discussion, Yuliy Osipovich still won. But Vladimir Ilyich did not want to admit defeat and organized his own faction, and the Bolsheviks were the ones who joined it. Those who remained loyal to Martov began to be called Mensheviks.

Every party needs funds

The Bolsheviks play a very minor role in the revolution of 1905 because most of their leaders live in exile and mostly abroad. And the Mensheviks are making enormous progress, both in the soviets and in the trade union movements. Already in one thousand nine hundred and seven, Vladimir Ilyich abandoned hope for an armed uprising.

He calls on like-minded people to come to Russia to participate in the elections to the Third State Duma. The Bolsheviks were a party that had to exist somehow, and Vladimir Lenin spent a lot of time looking to raise funds to further develop his faction. Large donations came from Maxim Gorky and Sava Morozov, a famous millionaire in Moscow.

Ways to make money in split factions

As the parties split and further divisions became apparent, one of the most significant differences between them was how each faction decided to finance its revolution. The Mensheviks stopped at collecting membership dues. And the Bolsheviks are those who resorted to more radical methods.

One of the most common methods was bank robbery. A similar attack, which was carried out in one thousand nine hundred and seven, brings Vladimir Ilyich’s party about two hundred and fifty thousand rubles. And, unfortunately, this was not the only case. Naturally, the Mensheviks were outraged by this way of earning money.

What did the revolutionaries get paid for?

But the Bolsheviks were constantly in need of money. Vladimir Ilyich was convinced that the revolution could bring maximum results if people who devoted their entire lives to the cause participated in it. And to compensate for their time and effort, he gave them good wages for their sacrifices and dedication. This measure was specifically taken to ensure that the revolutionaries remained focused on their duties and to force them to do their jobs.

Moreover, Vladimir Lenin constantly used party money, which was distributed in various cities and at rallies to expand activities. Such methods of financing became a clear difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks and their beliefs.

Did the Bolsheviks have principles?

By the beginning of one thousand nine hundred and ten, support for the principles of the Bolsheviks became almost non-existent. Vladimir Ilyich lived in Austria. At a meeting of the Bolsheviks in Bern, he outlined his views on the war. Lenin denounces the war itself and everyone who supported it, since, in his opinion, they betrayed the proletariat.

He was shocked by the decision of the majority of socialists in Europe to approve the war effort. Now Vladimir Ilyich devoted all the forces of his party to turning the imperialist war into a civil war. The most exceptional difference between the parties was that the Bolsheviks were those who pursued their goals with ferocious tenacity.

And in order to achieve them, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin often even retreated from his political ideas if he saw a guarantee of long-term benefit for his party. And this practice was widely used by him in attempts to recruit peasants and illiterate workers. He convincingly promised them that a glorious life would come after the revolution.

The strongest propaganda with German funds

And, naturally, today many people have a question: who are the Bolsheviks? A group of like-minded people who deceived ordinary people to achieve their own goals? Or are they those who worked for the sake of creating more optimal living conditions for the Russian proletariat?

First of all, it was the overthrow of the provisional government and the creation of a new one. At the same time, the Bolsheviks did have loud slogans that promised significant changes in living conditions for the common people. Their campaign was so strong that they received public support.

There are known facts that the Bolsheviks are communists who were sponsored by the Germans, since they knew that Vladimir Ilyich wanted to withdraw Russia from hostilities. And it was this money that helped develop advertising campaigns that promoted a better life and other benefits for the population.

Several questions arising in connection with the emergence of the Bolsheviks

In politics, those directions that embody the ideas of social equality or improving the lives of ordinary people are usually called left. They strive to create a level playing field, regardless of national origin or ethnicity. Therefore, answering the question of whether the Bolsheviks are right or left, we can confidently attribute them to this particular direction.

As for the white movement, it was created during the Civil War, which began in one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and the Bolshevik Party had already been formed at that time. And the first task of the whites was to fight against the Bolshevik ideology. Therefore, if someone has a question about whether the Bolsheviks are red or white, then based on these facts it is easy to find the answer.

Bolshevik Metro, features of architectural design

What primarily distinguishes this station is the main symbol of the proletariat of quite impressive size - the “Hammer and Sickle”. It was opened on October thirtieth, one thousand nine hundred and eighty-five. And the name of the Bolshevik metro, which is located in St. Petersburg, is “Bolshevik Avenue”.

The walls of the station are very beautifully decorated with light gray marble. The floor is paved with granite slabs in gray and red colors. And the station arch is illuminated by powerful lamps that create an airy atmosphere. The ground lobby is no less beautifully decorated.

And yet, who are the Bolsheviks? How necessary was the creation of this party for the country? First of all, Vladimir Ilyich himself and the faction he organized (which began to be called the Bolsheviks) are part of the history of the Russian state. Whether they made mistakes or acted for the good of the people and the country, these people should take their place on the pages of textbooks and related literature. And only those who do nothing make mistakes.

Bolshevik - a member of the left (revolutionary) wing of the RSDLP after the party split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. Subsequently, the Bolsheviks formed a separate party, the RSDLP (b). The word “Bolshevik” reflects the fact that Lenin’s supporters were in the majority in the elections of governing bodies at the second party congress in 1903; it became synonymous with the words: “Marxist”, “revolutionary”, “Leninist”, and later the word “communist” . Menshevik is a member of the moderate wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, headed by Yu. O. Martov. The split of the RSDLP into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks occurred at the Second Congress of the RSDLP, when voting on the 1st paragraph of the party charter. V.I. Lenin wanted to create a united, militant, clearly organized, disciplined proletarian party. The Martovites stood for freer association. When voting, the Leninists received a majority, so they began to be called Bolsheviks. The Martovites received the name Mensheviks. Subsequently, these groups either tried to unite or diverged, but, as it turned out, the split was final, although there were repeatedly transitions from the Mensheviks to the Bolsheviks, for example L. D. Trotsky, and vice versa. Unlike the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks did not establish a state dictatorship and are not famous for such famous historical figures as V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin (Trotsky began to play a major historical role when he became a Bolshevik), but their ideological and theoretical level, like as a rule, was higher than the Bolshevik. If among the old Bolsheviks, apart from Lenin, Stalin and N.I. Bukharin, there were practically no major ideologists and theorists - Marxists, then among the Mensheviks one can name the names of Marxist theorists G.V. Plekhanov, Yu. O. Martov, N.S. Chkheidze, F. I. Dana. However, in Russian conditions, the political influence of the Mensheviks was less significant than the Bolsheviks. Only after the February Revolution did the Mensheviks gain enormous influence in the Soviets (here we should especially note the role of N. S. Chkheidze, I. G. Tsereteli, F. I. Dan, M. I. Liber). After the October Revolution, the role of the Mensheviks came to naught. The activities of the party were then prohibited, then allowed, until they were finally banned. The fate of the majority of the Mensheviks turned out to be unenviable - some of them were subjected to repression during the “Red Terror” of the Civil War, some organized the “White Terror”, others had to emigrate, some were repressed during the massacre of the so-called. "Union Bureau of the Menshevik Central Committee". The “Great Terror” of 1936-1938 finally put an end to it. Nevertheless, some Mensheviks who officially changed their beliefs managed to survive and even achieve significant positions, for example, A. Ya. Vyshinsky, who became the Prosecutor General, later the Minister of Foreign Affairs and a candidate member of the Presidium (Politburo) of the CPSU Central Committee; I. also made diplomatic careers. M. Maisky, A. A. Troyanovsky. The Mensheviks achieved great success in Georgia. On May 26, 1918 they declared Georgia an independent republic. N.N. Zhordania became the head of the government, Chkheidze and Tsereteli played an important role. However, in 1921 the Red Army occupied Georgia and established Soviet power there. Unlike the Bolsheviks, who until the 19th Party Congress called themselves so officially (RSDLP (b) - RCP (b) - VKP (b), where (b) meant “Bolsheviks”) the word “Menshevik” was always informal - the party always called it social democratic.

White Mensheviks

Mensheviks - the moderate wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, since April 24, 1917 - an independent Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Leaders: Yu. O. Martov, A. S. Martynov, P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, F. I. Dan, I. G. Tsereteli. “Bolsheviks” are the radical (extremist) wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party after its split into the “Bolshevik” and “Menshevik” factions. The name "Bolsheviks" appeared after the Second Congress of the RSDLP as the group that received a majority in the elections to the Central Committee. The Bolsheviks sought to create a party of professional revolutionaries, while the Mensheviks feared the criminalization of the party and were more inclined towards legitimate methods of fighting the autocracy (reformism). Subsequently, a myth appeared, defended in many countries by anarchists and socialist-revolutionary maximalists, that the name “Bolsheviks” (translated abroad as “maximalists”) came from the “maximum” program (the complete destruction of the bourgeois class and the creation of a purely workers’ movement), and the other faction allegedly were drawn up by supporters of the party’s “minimal program” (allegedly defending the interests of the petty bourgeoisie and kulaks). In fact, the “banner of Menshevism” at the Second Congress of the RSDLP was raised by the ultra-revolutionary Trotsky, who sought to attract more members to the party, and the most authoritative Menshevik at the congress was the moderate G. V. Plekhanov. The formation of two Duma factions corresponds to 1910, when the third Duma began to meet (to which, by the way, representatives of the RSDLP, the Bolsheviks, and the Mensheviks were elected as one party). The actual split occurred much later, when at the Vienna Conference of the RSDLP, convened in opposition to the Prague Conference, in August 1912 the Organizing Committee of the RSDLP was created without the participation of the Leninists, but supported by the Vperyodists. On the other hand, the Menshevik party members were present at the Prague Conference of 1912, since Lenin sought to distinguish himself only from the liquidators, and after the outbreak of the World War, also from the defencists. The Bolsheviks finally separated into a separate party, the RSDLP (b) (the name of the party was not officially adopted at the congress or conference) only in the spring of 1917, and the Mensheviks retained the name RSDLP. After the formation of the RSDLP (b) as a separate party, the Bolsheviks continued both the legal and illegal work they had carried out before and did it quite successfully. They manage to create a network of illegal organizations in Russia, which, despite the huge number of provocateurs sent by the government (even the provocateur Roman Malinovsky was elected to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), conducted agitation and propaganda work and introduced Bolshevik agents into legal workers' organizations. They manage to organize the publication of a legal workers' newspaper, Pravda, in Russia. The Bolsheviks also participated in the elections to the IV State Duma and received 6 out of 9 seats from the workers' curia. All this shows that among the workers of Russia the Bolsheviks were the most popular party. [source not specified 676 days] The First World War intensified government repressions against the Bolsheviks who pursued defeatist policies: in July 1914, Pravda was closed, in November of the same year, the Bolshevik faction in the State Duma was closed and exiled to Siberia. Illegal organizations were also closed.

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BOLSHEVIKS, representatives of the political movement (faction) in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (since April 1917, an independent political party), led by V.I. Lenin (see Communist Party of the Soviet Union). The concept of Bolsheviks arose at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (1903) after, during the elections to the party’s governing bodies, Lenin’s supporters received a majority of votes (hence the Bolsheviks), while their opponents received a minority (Mensheviks). In 1917-52, the word Bolsheviks was included in the official name of the party - Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks), Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The 19th Party Congress (1952) decided to call it the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

MENSHEVIKS, representatives of the political movement (faction) in the RSDLP. Since 1917 - an independent political party. The concept of “Mensheviks” arose at the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP (1903), when some of the delegates remained in the minority on the issue of elections to the party’s governing bodies. The main leaders-ideologists are Yu.

L. Martov, A. S. Martynov, P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov. They opposed strict centralism in the work of the party and the vesting of the Central Committee with greater powers. In the Revolution of 1905-07 it was believed that the proletariat must act in a coalition with the liberal bourgeoisie against the autocracy; denied the revolutionary potential of the peasantry; gave preference to peaceful methods of activity, etc. After the February Revolution, they supported the Provisional Government. The October Revolution was not accepted; they believed that Russia was not ripe for socialism; They believed that the Bolsheviks, realizing the failure of the socialist experiment undertaken, would retreat and seek an agreement with other parties. During the Civil War they took part in anti-Bolshevik breakthroughs and armed uprisings, however, they opposed the intervention of the Entente countries and the counter-revolutionary forces they supported. In 1924, the Mensheviks ceased to exist as an organized force on the territory of the USSR. In March 1931, a rigged trial took place. The trial of the Menshevik "Union Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP", whose members (14 people) were accused of espionage and sabotage and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, similarities and differences

The Bolsheviks accepted the new theory of the Russian revolution, which Lenin developed after 1907. According to this theory, it was a revolution of the alliance of workers and peasants, aimed at avoiding capitalism. For its success, there was no need (or even possibility) to wait for capitalism in Russia to exhaust its potential as an engine in the development of productive forces. And most importantly, in the specific historical conditions of Russia, a certain catastrophe threatened the path of liberal-bourgeois statehood. Therefore, the Bolsheviks set a course for revolution and Soviet power. And this was not a doctrinal choice; it flowed from the entire history of the Russian state.

Two lines fought in the RSDLP during the revolution, the Bolshevik line and the Menshevik line. The Bolsheviks headed for the development of the revolution, for the overthrow of tsarism through an armed uprising, for the hegemony of the working class, for the isolation of the cadet bourgeoisie, for an alliance with the peasantry, for the creation of a provisional revolutionary government from representatives of workers and peasants, for bringing the revolution to a victorious end. The Mensheviks, on the contrary, were heading towards curtailing the revolution. Instead of overthrowing tsarism through an uprising, they proposed its reform and “improvement”, instead of the hegemony of the proletariat - the hegemony of the liberal bourgeoisie, instead of an alliance with the peasantry - an alliance with the cadet bourgeoisie, instead of a provisional revolutionary government - the State Duma, as the center of the “revolutionary forces” of the country.

So the Mensheviks slipped into the swamp of conciliation, becoming agents of bourgeois influence on the working class, becoming in fact agents of the bourgeoisie in the working class.

The Bolsheviks turned out to be the only revolutionary Marxist force in the party and country.

The years 1908–1912 were the most difficult period for revolutionary work. After the defeat of the revolution, in the conditions of the decline of the revolutionary movement and the fatigue of the masses, the Bolsheviks changed their tactics and moved from a direct struggle against tsarism to roundabout ways of this struggle. The Bolsheviks tirelessly gathered forces for a new upsurge of the revolutionary movement.

During this period, the Mensheviks increasingly moved away from the revolution. They become liquidators, demand to liquidate, destroy the illegal, revolutionary party of the proletariat, more and more openly abandon the party program, the revolutionary tasks and slogans of the party, try to organize their own reformist party, which the workers dubbed the “Stolypin workers’ party.” The liquidators and otzovists unite against Lenin into a common bloc, the August Bloc, organized by Trotsky.

During the years of the new revolutionary upsurge (1912–1914), the Bolshevik Party led the labor movement and led it under Bolshevik slogans to a new revolution. Breaking the resistance of the liquidators and their friends - the Trotskyists and otzovists, it took possession of all forms of the legal movement and made legal organizations the strongholds of its revolutionary work.

By fighting the enemies of the working class and their agents in the labor movement, the party strengthened its ranks and expanded its ties with the working class. By making extensive use of the Duma platform for revolutionary agitation and creating the remarkable mass workers' newspaper Pravda, the party raised a new generation of revolutionary workers - Pravdists. During the years of the imperialist war, this layer of workers remained faithful to the banner of internationalism and the proletarian revolution. He later formed the core of the Bolshevik Party during the October Revolution in 1917.

On the eve of the imperialist war, the party led the revolutionary actions of the working class. These were vanguard battles, interrupted by the imperialist war, but then resumed three years later in order to overthrow tsarism. The Bolshevik Party entered the difficult period of the imperialist war with the unfurled banners of proletarian internationalism.

Intoxicated by the first successes of the revolution and reassured by the assurances of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries that from now on everything will go well, the broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie, soldiers, and workers are imbued with confidence in the Provisional Government and support it.

The program that the Mensheviks put forward after February was completely socialist.

This is how they expressed their ideal of the future social system in the platform for the elections to the Constituent Assembly: this is a system in which all social wealth, all means of production, all lands, factories, plants, mines would become public property, in which all members of society, all citizens would be obliged to work, but everyone would equally enjoy the benefits of nature and everything that humanity has produced.

In a socialist society, the class struggle would cease, since the classes themselves would disappear, the wars that are needed only by the ruling classes would cease. Humanity would become one fraternal family (Rabochaya Gazeta, 1917, July 29).

The essence of the Mensheviks' choice was that they deliberately abandoned their program, believing that the time had not come for it. Treating the revolution as bourgeois, they considered it necessary to support the bourgeoisie as the progressive class at the moment. The prominent Menshevik A. Joffe wrote in May 1917: No matter how loud the revolutionary phrases may be, as long as Menshevism remains the government party of the bourgeois government, until then Menshevism is not only doomed to inaction, but also commits a peculiar thing to itself political hara-kiri, because it destroys the very inner essence of social democracy.

In the first months after the October Revolution Bolshevik the party subjected to severe persecution only the “bourgeois” and monarchist groups, but also the Menshevik-SR revolutionary democrats close to it (with July 1918– even former partners in the government coalition – left socialist revolutionaries). However, during the difficult years of the civil war, Lenin decided to change course and make a temporary, fraudulent reconciliation with Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries.

In the winter of 1919, the Bolsheviks offered the right Socialist Revolutionaries legalization and cooperation in the soviets, pointing to the liquidation of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and the danger of a “reaction from the right.”

Lenin knew the representatives of revolutionary democracy well and knew how to play on their consciousness, blinded by class ideology. Recent leaders Komucha really arrived in Moscow to fight against Kolchak, including such prominent Socialist Revolutionaries as Volsky, Rakitnikov, Burevoy, Svetitsky. Only a few, such as Zenzinov And Avksentiev chose to emigrate abroad.

At the VII Congress of Soviets, Lenin spoke triumphantly about Volsky, the chairman of the Samara Komuch, to whom the Bolsheviks gave the floor at this congress.

The printed organ of the right Socialist Revolutionaries, Delo Naroda, was also briefly restored.

The Mensheviks also took the position of “reconciliation with the Bolsheviks”, with the encouragement of Lenin. In the Socialist Bulletin of March 12, 1936 F. Dan wrote about this period: “... our party not only mercilessly excluded from its ranks everyone who was in one way or another involved in supporting the intervention and armed struggle against the Bolsheviks (for example, the current Soviet ambassador to England, Maisky), but mobilized its members to fight in the ranks Red Army against the army of the white counter-revolution... and the statement of our party in the civil war made at the VII Congress of Soviets in 1919 by Comrade Dan was applauded, as the Bolshevik press of that time specifically noted, by Lenin himself.”

Lenin always knew how to abandon his “principled positions” at critical moments and, in the dangerous months of 1919, deprived the White armies of a significant part of public support, creating the illusion of a “united front” against them. However, this “united front” did not last long - after the victories won by the Red Army, the allies from the revolutionary democracy (admitted with the right of “deliberative vote” to the councils) were again driven underground. In 1922 there followed a famous trial trial of the Social Revolutionaries.

In the fall of 1919, one of the leaders of that notorious Entente, which, according to Lenin, carried out intervention in this “second campaign” with the hands of white generals.

"Admiral Kolchak and General Denikin, said the English Prime Minister in his speech in Parliament on November 17, 1919 Lloyd George, - are fighting not only for the destruction of the Bolsheviks and the restoration of law and order, but also for a united Russia... It is not for me to indicate whether this slogan corresponds to the policy of Great Britain... One of our great statesmen, Lord Beaconsfield [Disraeli] saw in the huge, great and powerful Russia, rolling like a glacier towards Persia, Afghanistan and India, is the most formidable danger to the British Empire."

Already at the very beginning of 1920, the British government warned General Denikin about ceasing its support.

See Lenin. Op. Ed. IV. Volume 30, page 211.

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BOLSHEVIKS, representatives of the political movement (faction) in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (since April 1917, an independent political party), led by V.I. Lenin (see Communist Party of the Soviet Union). The concept of Bolsheviks arose at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (1903) after, during the elections to the party’s governing bodies, Lenin’s supporters received a majority of votes (hence the Bolsheviks), while their opponents received a minority (Mensheviks). In 1917-52, the word Bolsheviks was included in the official name of the party Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks), Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The 19th Party Congress (1952) decided to call it the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

MENSHEVIKS, representatives of the political movement (faction) in the RSDLP. Since 1917 it has been an independent political party. The concept of Mensheviks arose at the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP (1903), when some of the delegates remained in the minority on the issue of elections to the party’s governing bodies.

The main leaders-ideologists Yu. L. Martov, A. S. Martynov, P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov. They opposed strict centralism in the work of the party and the vesting of the Central Committee with greater powers. In the Revolution of 1905-07 it was believed that the proletariat should act in a coalition with the liberal bourgeoisie against the autocracy; denied the revolutionary potential of the peasantry; gave preference to peaceful methods of activity, etc. After the February Revolution, they supported the Provisional Government. The October Revolution was not accepted; they believed that Russia was not ripe for socialism; They believed that the Bolsheviks, realizing the failure of the socialist experiment undertaken, would retreat and seek an agreement with other parties. During the Civil War they took part in anti-Bolshevik breakthroughs and armed uprisings, however, they opposed the intervention of the Entente countries and the counter-revolutionary forces they supported. In 1924, the Mensheviks ceased to exist as an organized force on the territory of the USSR. In March 1931, a rigged trial took place. The trial of the Menshevik Union Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP, whose members (14 people) were accused of espionage and sabotage and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

Soviet power, in the understanding of the average person, is traditionally associated with the Bolsheviks. But along with them, the Mensheviks also played a significant role in the political development of Russia. What are the features of both ideological movements?

Who are the Bolsheviks?

Bolsheviks and Mensheviks are representatives of the same political group, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, or RSDLP. Let's consider how both of them separated from the composition of a single association. Let's start with the Bolsheviks.

In 1903, the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP took place, which took place in Brussels and London. It was during this period that disagreements arose between party members, which became the reason for the formation of two ideological movements - the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, which finally took shape by 1912.

The main issue of the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP was the coordination of the program, as well as the charter of the political association. The main provisions of the RSDLP program were based on the proposals of famous ideologists of the social democratic trend - Lenin and Plekhanov. The approval of this document, as many historians note, generally took place without any particular difficulties, which cannot be said about the charter of the RSDLP - the procedure for discussing it resulted in a heated debate.

One of the most difficult points of the document was the agreement on the definition of membership in the RSDLP.

In Lenin's version, a party member was to be understood as any person who recognized the program of the RSDLP and supported it both financially and through personal participation in the party organization. Another ideologist of the social democratic trend, Martov, gave a different definition. Martov proposed to understand as a party member any person who accepts the RSDLP program, supports it financially, and also provides assistance to it on a regular basis under the leadership of one of the organizations.

It may seem that the discrepancy between the formulations of Lenin and Martov is quite small. But in Lenin's version, the role of a party member is characterized by a slightly more revolutionary nature, implying that he will have a high level of organization and discipline. A party represented in such a structure could not become too large-scale, since among the population, in principle, there are not many social activists who are ready to take the initiative, be in the rank of leaders and not followers, and directly participate in revolutionary activities.

In turn, in the RSDLP, following the example of Martov, the participation of more moderate activists was allowed, ready to act under the leadership of the party organization and represented by much wider sections of the population who at least sympathize with the RSDLP, but are not necessarily ready to take direct part in revolutionary activities.

After intense discussions, party ideologists voted in favor of Martov’s concept, according to which the definition of a party member was fixed in the RSDLP Charter. The remaining provisions of the Charter were adopted without controversy. However, the confrontation between supporters of Lenin and Martov during the meetings of the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP continued.

The RSDLP published the newspaper Iskra, founded by Lenin back in 1900. Membership of the Iskra editorial board was the most important party privilege. At the congress of the RSDLP, it was proposed to include Plekhanov, Lenin and Martov on the editorial board of Iskra, and two not the most influential figures on the Central Committee of the RSDLP. As a consequence, the Iskra editorial board would have the opportunity to exert enormous influence on the party.

The appointment of an Iskra editorial board of 3 people was supported by a majority of votes - 25 for, 2 against and 17 abstentions. But immediately at the stage of approval of the candidacies of Plekhanov, Lenin and Martov as members of the editorial board of the newspaper, Martov abandoned his position in Iskra. Some representatives of the RSDLP refused elections to the Central Committee, which as a result was formed from revolutionary-minded members of Iskra. Plekhanov became head of the council of the RSDLP.

The ideologists of the RSDLP, who occupied key positions in the party's Central Committee and became followers of Lenin's concepts, began to be called Bolsheviks. Their opponents, who were supporters of Martov, were Mensheviks.

What was the further development of the ideology of Bolshevism?

By 1912, the final division of the RSDLP into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks took place, and the paths of the ideologists of both directions diverged. The Bolshevik Party became known as the RSDLP (b).

Before the February Revolution of 1917, the Bolsheviks were engaged in both legal and illegal types of socio-political activities. They founded the newspaper Pravda. The Bolsheviks received several seats in the State Duma of the Russian Empire.

After the outbreak of World War I, repressions began against the Bolsheviks - their faction in the State Duma was disbanded. Illegal structures of the RSDLP (b) were closed.

But after the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks got a chance to return to the political arena. In March 1917, Pravda began to be published again.

In the first months after the overthrow of the tsarist regime, the role of the Bolsheviks was not yet noticeable. Russian activists of the RSDLP (b) had little contact with the leaders of the movement who were abroad, in particular Lenin.

The main ideologist of the Bolsheviks came to Russia in April 1917. In the fall of 1917, a civil war began in the country, which lasted until 1922. During it, the Bolsheviks managed to dislodge other organizations from the political arena. The RSDLP (b) became the only legitimate source of power in the state. Subsequently it was renamed the RCP (b), then the VKP (b), and in 1952 - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Facts about the Mensheviks

The Mensheviks almost immediately after the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP began to conduct activities independent of the Bolsheviks - in particular, they did not take part in the next, 3rd Congress of the RSDLP, which was held in London in 1905.

The Mensheviks, like their opponents, who were supporters of Lenin’s ideas, were engaged in political activities and were able to obtain several seats in the Russian State Duma.

After the February Revolution of 1917, the Mensheviks united with the Socialist Revolutionaries (representatives of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, or AKP) and together with them began to participate in the formation of new bodies of state power - the Soviets. The Mensheviks were also in the Provisional Government.

At the beginning of the Civil War in 1917, the Mensheviks entered into confrontation with the Bolsheviks, but were able to join them in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, or All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the main government body in the country in the first years after the revolution.

In June 1918, the Mensheviks were expelled from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. However, they preferred to prevent the escalation of the conflict with the authorities, announcing in August 1918 that they had no intention of opposing the power of the Soviets and the Bolsheviks.

Subsequently, the Menshevik Party was subjected to repression. In the early 1920s, Martov and other leaders of the movement left the country. The activities of the Mensheviks began to acquire an illegal character. By the mid-1920s they had almost completely disappeared from the political arena.

Comparison

The main difference between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks from the point of view of ideology is the degree of revolution. The first, who were supporters of Lenin, considered it correct to include in the RSDLP mainly those activists who are ready, not in theory, but in practice, to fight for social democratic ideals. Since there are relatively few such people in any society, the RSDLP in Lenin’s ideas should not have become a very large-scale structure.

Despite the fact that in the Charter of the RSDLP the definition of party membership was approved in Martov’s edition, Lenin’s supporters still received the greatest amount of power in the Central Committee of the RSDLP. This event gave rise to the new leaders of the RSDLP to declare themselves representatives of the majority, that is, Bolsheviks. In this sense, one more difference can be traced between the two currents of the RSDLP - the scope of powers in the party structure at the end of the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP.

The Mensheviks, who were supporters of Martov, allowed a lesser degree of revolutionism in the moods of party members. Therefore, the RSDLP, corresponding to this concept, could be a fairly large-scale party, formed not only by ardent activists, but also by people who only sympathize with social democratic ideas.

The Bolsheviks managed to play a vital role in the political development of Russia, form a communist system of state power, and promote the spread of the ideas of communism in the world. The Mensheviks played an important role in the political development of Russia in the period between the February Revolution and the Civil War, but subsequently were unable to acquire a stable position in the new system of state power.

Having determined the fundamental differences between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, let us record the main conclusions in the table.

Table

Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, until a certain point, were considered members of the same party - the RSDLP. The first officially declared their independence shortly before the October Revolution.

But the actual split of the RSDLP began 5 years after its formation.

What is the RSDLP?

Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1898 united many supporters of socialism.

It was formed in Minsk at a meeting of previously disparate political circles. G.V. Plekhanov played a major role in its creation.

Participants of the disintegrated “Land and Freedom” and “Black Redistribution” entered here. Members of the RSDLP considered their goal to be upholding the interests of workers, democracy, and helping the least affluent segments of the population. The basis of the ideology of this party was Marxism, the fight against tsarism and bureaucracy.

At the beginning of its existence, it was a relatively unified organization, not divided into factions. However, contradictions quickly emerged on many issues among the main leaders and their supporters. Some of the most prominent representatives of the party were V. I. Lenin, G. V. Plekhanov, Yu. O. Martov, L. V. Trotsky, P. B. Axelrod. Many of them were on the editorial board of the Iskra newspaper.

RSDLP: the formation of two currents

The collapse of the political union occurred in 1903, at Second Congress of Delegates. This event happened spontaneously and the reasons for it seemed minor to some, even to the point of disputes over several sentences in the documents.

In fact, the formation of factions was inevitable and had long been brewing due to the ambitions of some members of the RSDLP, especially Lenin, and the deep-seated contradictions within the movement itself.

There were several issues on the agenda of the congress, such as powers of the Bund(associations of Jewish Social Democrats), the composition of the editorial board of Iskra, the establishment of the Party Charter, the agrarian question and others.

Heated discussions took place on many aspects. Those gathered were divided on Lenin's supporters and those who supported Martov. The first were more determined, they promoted revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the distribution of land to the peasants, and strict discipline within the organization. The Martovites were more moderate.

At first this resulted in lengthy discussions about the wording in the Charter, the attitude towards the Bund, towards the bourgeoisie. The congress lasted several weeks, and the discussions were so heated that many moderate Social Democrats left it on principle.

Largely thanks to this, those who supported Lenin found themselves in the majority and their proposals were accepted. Since then, Lenin called his like-minded people at the second congress of the RSDLP Bolsheviks, and the Martovites - Mensheviks.

The name “Bolsheviks” turned out to be successful, it stuck and began to be used in the official abbreviation of the faction. It was also beneficial from a propaganda point of view, since it created the illusion that Leninists were always in the majority, although this was often not true.

The name “Mensheviks” remained unofficial. Martov's supporters are still called themselves the RSDLP.

How do the Bolsheviks differ from the Mensheviks?

The main difference is in the methods of achieving goals. The Bolsheviks were more radical, resorted to terror, considered revolution the only way to overthrow the autocracy and the triumph of socialism. There were also other differences:

1. There was a rigid organization in the Leninist faction. It accepted people who were ready for active struggle, and not just propaganda. Lenin tried to exterminate political competitors.
2. The Bolsheviks sought to seize power, while the Mensheviks were cautious about this - an unsuccessful policy could compromise the party.
3. The Mensheviks were inclined towards an alliance with the bourgeoisie and denied the transfer of all land into state ownership.
4. The Mensheviks promoted changes in society through reforms, not revolution. At the same time, their slogans were not as convincing and understandable to the general population as the Bolsheviks.
5. There were also differences between the two factions in their composition: the majority of the Marchers were skilled workers, petty bourgeois, students, and members of the intelligentsia. The Bolshevik wing largely included the poorest, revolutionary-minded people.

The further fate of the factions

After the Second Congress of the RSDLP, the political programs of the Leninists and the Martovites became increasingly different from each other. Both factions participated in the revolution of 1905, and this event united the Leninists more, and divided the Mensheviks into several more groups.

After the creation of the Duma, a small number of Mensheviks were part of it. But this caused even greater damage to the faction’s reputation. These people had little influence on decision-making, but responsibility for their consequences fell on their shoulders.

The Bolsheviks completely separated from the RSDLP in 1917, before the October Revolution. After the coup, the RSDLP opposed them with harsh methods, so persecution began against its members, many of them, for example Martov, went abroad.

Since the mid-20s of the last century, the Menshevik party has practically ceased to exist.